Hesekê attack was an unexpected move, but was frustrated

The attack launched against Hesekê’s Sinaa Prison by means of ISIS gangs was part of a larger plan to eliminate the Autonomous Administration, however, it was frustrated.

On July 19, 2012, a Kurdish-led revolution occurred in Rojava and North-East Syria. The revolution was quickly organized militarily, politically, and structurally. As a result of these organizations, it began to identify itself as a cantonal system in early 2014. On January 20, 2014, the first canton was established as the Jazira canton. The cantons of Kobanê and Afrin were declared on January 27 and 29 respectively.

Before the declaration of the cantons, there had been numerous attacks on Rojava and North-East Syria, beginning from Aleppo, Afrin Qestel Cindo, to Serêkaniyê at the end of 2012. Many documents and confessions proved that Turkey had organized all of these assaults. Near the end of 2012, a guise was sought for the gangs after the exposure of the fact that the gangs that Turkey was protecting were in fact looters, robbers, and ideologically linked to the Muslim Brotherhood and Al-Qaeda. In the middle of 2013, a project known as ‘train-equip project’ was launched together with the United States. Three training cycles were completed as part of this project. The gangs trained in Antep, Urfa, and Ankara went to Syria and immediately joined the newly originated ISIS, known at the time as Jabhat al-Nusra or the Nusra Front.

The Turkish state still includes some of those people in the FSA and, more recently, in the so-called ‘Syrian National Army’ (SNA), which it itself established. These people have been utilized against Kurds since their inception, and they are now being utilized effectively in occupied territories. Yasir Abdurrahim, a commander of SNA, a gang organization formed and declared by the Turkish state, is one of these people. Erdogan has the most faith in Abdurrahim and talks highly of him. Abdurrahim, like some other gang leaders, was taught in the 'train-equip' project established as a result of the Turkey-US deal. He is now referred to as the on-screen commander of the gangs in occupied zones.

Seyf Ebubekir from the Bizea town of Bab is one among those who tormented the Kurds after getting trained. He was among the first to be trained. Seyf Ebubekir is now the commander of the Turkish-affiliated Firqat al-Hamza Division. He is said to be Turkmen. However, to what extent he is a Turkmen or an Arab is questionable. From the very beginning, he has been linked to Turkey. He was picked for this and included in the Train-Equip project. He took part in all of the Turkish state's invasion attacks, beginning with Jarablus, Bab, Azaz, Exterin, Afrin, Gire Spi, and Serêkaniyê. When he was trained and dispatched to Syria, he went to the ISIS amir, who had occupied the village of Kibbesin in Bab at the time, and met with him. This was also photographed and published. It has just been revealed to the public that Turkey has developed a new front. It can be observed that the true identity of Turkey’s SNA has also been exposed, and it is now trying to change its name. Seyf Ebubekir was appointed as the deputy commander of the new gang called the Syrian Liberation Front.

Mahmut Hamo was one of those trained in the Train-Equip project and dispatched to Syria, but all was actually predicated on an attack on North-East Syria. He is from the village of Sheverin in Rai, also known as Çobanbey. He is a devoted member of the Turkish state. Talal Silo, who participated in the formation of the SDF and acted as its spokesperson for a time before surrendering to Turkey, admitted that while clashing with ISIS, he had delivered weapons to Mahmut Hamo as the Seljuki group officer in Çobanbey. He is now one of the most powerful people working with MIT in the occupied territories.

Sheikh Mustafa Guz is another such person. He is from the village of Guz, which is located between Exterin and Ezaz. He is Kurdish and was brought up by the Muslim Brotherhood. He is one of those trained by the Muslim Brotherhood in Saudi Arabia. He has been involved with Jabhat al-Nusra since its inception. He is now one of the most powerful men appointed by the Turkish state in the invaded territories. Mahmut Xelo is another. These are just a few examples. Hundreds of people like them were dispatched to the region following the Turkish state's and the United States' training and equipment project and were given command of the attacks against the Kurds and North East Syrian peoples.

There had been hundreds of attacks on Rojava and North East Syria before the Kobanê attack. The most significant of these attacks was the Kobanê attack, launched after ISIS, a project of international forces that was initiated in Syria, particularly in North-East Syria, took over Mosul, Shengal and Raqqa from al-Nusra, and Ain Issa from the Syrian Baath regime in 2013. The Kobanê attack began in September 2014. ISIS was forced out of Kobanê after a four-month legendary resistance. The territory around Kobanê was thereafter freed from ISIS, one by one. ISIS was then driven out of Gire Spi, then Tabqa, Raqqa, and lastly Deir ez-Zor in 2019, resulting in its territorial defeat. On January 26, 2015, ISIS was expelled from Kobanê. This date was just one day before the Kobanê Canton had been established on January 27.


The Turkish state was unable to tolerate ISIS’ expulsion from Raqqa and the SDF's seizure of Raqqa, the Caliphate's centre, which it considered as its own. Turkey launched its invasion campaign against Afrin on January 20, 2018. On January 20, the date of the declaration of the cantons, Turkey’s mercenaries and soldiers launched an invasion attack on Afrin. A year later, on October 9, the date of the international plot against Kurdish People's Leader Abdullah Öcalan, Turkey launched the Serêkaniyê and Girê Spi attacks this time. In other words, Erdogan and his gangs, particularly ISIS, did not start their attacks on Rojava and North East Syria on those dates by chance.


In the summer of 2021, Erdogan threatened the region of North-East Syria once more. Following the threat, he shuttled between the United States and Russia to obtain consent for the invasion campaign. There were tense conversations. However, due to the cyclical nature of the situation, and to avoid confronting American public opinion, US President Biden did not provide consent for a direct attack. Putin, on the other hand, did not approve because Erdogan did not follow through on their previous agreement on Idlib and sided with the US on Ukraine and the Crimea issue. Both Biden and Putin, though, approved Erdogan's attack through different means. Furthermore, Erdogan's statement following the diplomacy shuttle that "our struggle will continue with various ways and measures" reinforced this.

In fact, not long after, UAVs and SIHAs of the Turkish state struck a vehicle on the Qamîşlo Ali Fero road. Soon after, the Tel Temir Military Council was attacked, and three SDF commanders were killed. Shortly before, the facility for the veterans of the struggle against ISIS at the entrance to Qamîşlo was attacked. While striking vehicles in Qamîşlo on one hand, the Turkish state, on the other hand, launched attacks that began in the summer and continued until the end of the year. These attacks continued into the year 2022 and killed a large number of people. While this was one of the attacks about which Erdogan said, "our fight will continue with different methods," it was clear from the attacks that began on the evening of January 20 that the other plan was to prepare gangs from within the occupied areas and Hesekê to either kill or save ISIS members in Hesekê Sinaa prison. The attack was undertaken, once more, on January 20, 2014, the day of the canton announcement. It was already expected that the Turkish state would take action for ISIS and other groups, as he stated that the war would continue with special and varied tactics.


The Turkish state's links with ISIS, its assistance to ISIS, and the housing of mercenaries in occupied territories are well known to the general public. Because there has been a great deal of knowledge and documents shared on this subject. Documents shared by the Russian Ministry of Defense during the aircraft crisis are among them. Some countries may be able to release the documents formally. The Turkish state’s stance on this topic is well known. With this attack, countries and organizations other than the Turkish state have also demonstrated their support for ISIS. Syria was one of these countries. It began to depict the gangs that attacked as if they were innocent and civilians. They never witnessed how gangs launched attacks with bomb-laden vehicles, and they argued that SDF and Coalition forces targeted and destroyed some government facilities. The official news agency, SANA, portrayed the gangs as innocent and civilians. This is an open embracement of the gangs.

There were also claims that the regime was involved in the attacks, owing to both this mentality and the character of the area. The explanations were based on the available data. Xiweran is one of Hesekê's most "troublesome" areas. Following the events in Syria, an organization known as Sahrar Xiweran was formed. Hasan Abdullah, the leader of this organization, was in control. This group was also involved in the first attack on Serekaniye on November 11, 2012. 

This person was among the delegation that arrived on behalf of the gangs to the meeting to terminate the battle between the gangs and the YPG. This person’s group was then disbanded and he is now said to be on the regime's side. At the time, a man named Abdulkadir Hamo was a member of the group known as Jabhat al-Nusra which attacked Serekaniye once more. This person later surrendered to the regime and is currently in command of the regime-affiliated Difaa Vatani forces in Hesekê. Following the attempted attack, gangs emerged and launched attacks in some parts of Xiweran under the name of ‘Ehrar Xiweran’. The organization is said to be led by Hasan Abdullah and Abdulkadir Hamo, which is not incorrect. When the approach taken by some of the regime's official media organs and the statements made by some of its officials corresponded with the prior practices of the gangs associated with it, the regime was claimed to be involved in the attacks.


Russia took a similar stance to the Damascus administration. Although not as publicly as Damascus' government, Russia said that the purpose of the attack was to prevent the talks in Astana from starting, which had begun more than four years ago but achieved nothing but justify the occupation. The only link between the ISIS attacks and the Astana talks is that the groups travelling to Astana are identical to ISIS! The Palestinian movement Hamas, on the other hand, publicly supported the gangs and celebrated their attacks. To celebrate the gangs' attacks, Hamas distributed sweets and requested prayers for their salvation. The clashes that erupted in the aftermath of the incident lasted six days. By the end of the sixth day, it was all over. The battles, which began in the prison and expanded to other parts of the city, were actually over in four days. The fighting with the armed groups in the prison, on the other hand, lasted until the sixth day, when the SDF gained complete dominance. It was the day when the Kobanê victory had been declared in 2015.

While the forces that openly supported the Turkish state and mercenaries for the first time expected the Autonomous Administration of North and East Syria to be crashed by this attack, the SDF scored a second victory in Hesekê on the same day the Kobanê victory was declared. This was no ordinary attack, or a plot to get a few gangs from prison. It was more than that. The plan extended to abolishing the Autonomous Administration. But it's all in vain for the time being. However, this does not mean that the hostile measures and the efforts to eliminate the Autonomous Administration are over. It is unclear what kind of plan they will implement after that. But their plans will be revealed soon...