Allen Moore was a RUC (Royal Ulster Constabulary, the police in the North of Ireland) officer. He was 24 when, on the morning of February 4, 1992, he walked into the Sinn Fein office in the Falls Road (the heart of Republican Belfast) and killed Patrick Loughran, 61, and Pat McBride, 40, both Sinn Fein members, and Michael O'Dwyer, 21. Constable Moore killed them with a shotgun and later used the gun to shoot himself. After the shooting Constable Moore was able to drive away from the murder scene without being stopped once by either military or police checkpoints. Who knows Belfast a little at that time, and the Falls Road would know that it was impossible to enter or exit unnoticed in the area and indeed in the Sinn Fein office: checkpoints were every few miles and cameras where everywhere. Yet that day none of the cameras was working nor where British patrols in sight.
Constable Moore so was able to drive to the shore of Lough Neagh and kill himself. A loose piece of work, as they say in Belfast, meaning someone who had some problems. And, in the eyes of his colleagues in the RUC, Constable Moore definitively had some problems.  The night before deciding to go on a mission at the Sinn Fein's office, he had been apprehended by police in Comber, a quiet Co Down town, after he had fired shots over the grave of another RUC officer. A police sergeant said that later that night Constable Moore had called at his home in an intoxicated, agitated and dishevelled state. The grave Constable Moore was found firing shots over was that of a fellow policeman, Constable Norman Spratt who had been killed in a domestic incident.
An inquest years later heard that the RUC had been 'negligent' in that it did overlooked what Constable Moore had said he would do. He apparently had phoned a colleague saying he was going to shoot republican suspects.
Despite being in the state he was, despite being clearly disturbed and not well, Constable Moore was able to leave the barrack, armed, get his own car and do what he did. And not a checkpoint all the way to the Sinn Fein's office.
This long story to get to the suspect detained by French police in connection with the murder of Sakine Cansız, Fidan Doğan and Leyla Şaylemez in Paris on 9 January. The young man, Ömer Güney, is in his thirties. He got himself involved with a Kurdish association in Villiers-le-Bel, close to where he lived, on 18 November 2011, as the records of the association show.
FEYKA (Federation of Kurdish Associations in France) president Mehmet Ülker said Ömer Güney started to visit the association often after that time, joining activities and getting in touch with the people there. “We learned that he spoke good French - he said - and therefore helped many friends in the Kurdish circle when they had a problem with the language. However, he had taken no official duty in the Kurdish association so far, he was just a member, like many other Turkish and French friends who can simply join our association, which is a democratic mass organization and doesn't require any conditions for membership.”
According to Ülker, when asked where he was from, Güney would say that he was Kurdish from the father's side and Turkish from the mother's side.
Zekai Güney, uncle of the suspect, said on CNN Türk on Monday night, that their family have no ties nor sympathy for the PKK.
So Ömer Güney did not have any duty in the association but he was helpful and so he had the confidence of the people. Fidan Doğan did not think it strange to call him the day of the murder and ask him to drive Sakine Cansız to the Kurdistan Information Office. Which he did.
After leaving Sakine Cansız to the Office it is not clear what happened. The French prosecutor was not much clearer as he admitted on Monday that the investigation is far from over and above all the very role of Ömer Güney, if he had one, is all to be established.
What it is interesting though is the profile of Güney. For many aspects it reminds of that of Constable Allen. Troubled young men, with a lot of "not said". The easiest to be manipulated, to be convinced they are the 'chosen' ones. Playing on their weaknesses to show them a way out of them. The need of a 'big act' to prove you exist.
But this is so far only speculation as indeed Ömer Güney remains innocent until proven guilty. Still there is a pattern, a rather disturbing one, which begun to emerge. Take the murder of Hrant Dink, 19 January 2007 : the killer another young boy, Ogün Samast (17 at the time of the murder). Again another troubled life, Samast was said to have 'ultra-nationalist' sympathies. Yet on 17 January 2012 the Istanbul 14th High Criminal Court ruled that there was “no organisation” behind Dink's murder. 
The pattern emerging is one seen many times in political murders: the killer is known, who ordered it, remains in the dark. Indeed like in Hrant Dink case or the Sinn Fein's office shooting, the killer is the sole responsible for the killings.
The insistence of the Turkish government to indicate an internal feud within the PKK as the sole line of inquiry appears even more disturbing when we analyse the statements by some of the AK Party prominent figures. The spokesperson on the Paris killings seems to be AKP General Vice President and Karabük deputy Mehmet Ali Şahin who went from reiterating the "internal job" theory since a few hours after the bodies of the three Kurdish women were discovered, to openly warning Germany saying: "I’m afraid Germany may face similar incidents in the following days".
Which brings to the question : do you know anything ?
It seem so as foreign minister Ahmet Davutoğlu also could not refrain from saying, on Monday, before the French prosecutor begun his press conference : "I can say that key information has been gathered. We can give further and more concrete information on this in the coming days" and added: "That was the initial direction all along". Exactly, this was the initial direction shown by the Turkish government all along. And the French seem to have followed with it.
The result ? So far we have a "suspect" in jail.
Precious time though is lost as far as the main line of inquiry : who ordered the killings of Sakine Cansız, Fidan Doğan and Leyla Şaylemez ?