Protests sparked by the detention and arrest of Istanbul Metropolitan Municipality Mayor Ekrem Imamoğlu have continued for days. Since March 19, a total of 1,418 people have been taken into custody. In Istanbul alone, 575 individuals were detained: 178 of them — including seven journalists — were sent to prison, and 38 people were placed under house arrest. The government has responded to the protests with harsh repression, deploying both the judiciary and the police in a show of force.

Peoples' Equality and Democracy Party (DEM Party) Istanbul MP and Socialist Solidarity Platform (SODAP) spokesperson Kezban Konukçu said that the government has reached a political and economic dead end, and added: "To understand what we are currently experiencing, we need to look at the process we have called the construction of the one-man regime. After June 7, the government refused to accept the election results and triggered a wave of massacres that paved the way for renewed elections. Then came the decrees and the state of emergency. We are now at a critical threshold in the consolidation of this regime. For example, when trustees were appointed to municipalities in Kurdish provinces, there was always some reaction. Yet until just a few months ago, there were still those who believed such a thing would never be possible in Istanbul. But it is clear now that the palace regime is cornered. On the other hand, it has almost no options left when it comes to manufacturing consent."

Konukçu also pointed to the economic crisis as an inseparable part of the political collapse, and said that the government has no viable path forward: "For example, they are unable to implement their so-called medium-term economic plan due to deteriorating conditions. They simply cannot fix the economy. The share of national income going to workers and retirees—whether employed or not—is decreasing by the day, because the system of plunder they have built does not allow otherwise. The one-man regime has both a political and an economic dimension. On the economic front, we are witnessing the rapid enrichment of capital groups aligned with the government. Public assets, nature, forests, and water resources are being seized through privatization under so-called 'collapse plans.' When we look at all this as part of a broader looting order, it becomes clear: the government has no way out. There is no other path left!"

Konukçu stated that any remaining hope for the government to take steps toward democratization is unrealistic, given the depth of its political and moral crisis: "There is still some expectation that the government might move toward democratization, that it might take certain steps, or, in a sense, ‘soften its stance.’ But in my view, that is no longer an option. The accumulation of crimes, rampant theft and corruption have reached a point where they can no longer be hidden. And because the government is also struggling to generate consent among the people, the environment they are pushing the country towards may evolve into something entirely different—such as elections no longer taking place under the conditions we’re used to. They may even be considering a scenario without elections at all. We will see, of course."

They do not want us to fight together

Kezban Konukçu emphasized that, despite the government's pressure, a powerful response has emerged, with young people taking the lead. She also noted that divisive rhetoric is being deliberately brought to the forefront in an attempt to prevent unity among opposition forces: "There has been a very serious reaction in the face of all this pressure, and we see this as deeply significant. It is the youth who are leading this reaction. Yes, we can observe some divisive rhetoric and certain approaches that reflect this. When we look at who is currently in prison—take Ümit Özdağ, for example—I believe that, politically, he is not merely a nationalist but a fascist. Under different circumstances, yes, fascism is a crime, and the promotion of fascism is a crime. That would be a separate matter, a different kind of assessment. But even within that camp, we must recognize that a reaction is building against this government.

At the same time, efforts are being made to create a gap between the broader base we as the DEM Party engage with and those currently taking to the streets—such as Republican People’s Party (CHP) supporters or those close to them. This has always been part of the government’s strategy, and that’s why it directly targeted the urban consensus. We saw on March 31 that when the opposition unites, this government comes to an end. Knowing this, they now attack the democratic forces that came together through the urban consensus, and they craft rhetoric around fabricated internal contradictions—whether within the DEM Party or the CHP. What they want is to prevent democratic forces from joining together. They are trying every possible method to stop those who oppose this government, this one-man regime, this construction of fascism, from uniting. Take Mansur Yavaş’s recent statement, for example. Yes, he later apologized. But the intention is clear—they do not want the DEM Party or socialist forces to play an active role in this process. They do not want us to take the lead. They do not want us to fight together."

We have no choice but to stand with democracy

Konukçu highlighted the reasons behind the government's attempts to divide the opposition and emphasized that, for the DEM Party, standing with democracy is not just a position—it is a necessity: "These reactions have the potential to grow and evolve into something greater. In an environment where unions are suppressed, organizations are being dismantled, and young people are being imprisoned, we still hold on to hope—the hope of reclaiming our long-eroded culture of democracy and our collective capacity to resist through united struggle. And this is exactly what they are trying to eliminate.

Let me be clear: in the DEM Party, we are a political movement with a long-standing tradition of resistance and a diverse internal structure. Despite this diversity, we make decisions collectively and act on them. Our top priority is democracy. But in this country, democracy cannot be achieved without resolving the Kurdish question. The demand for equality from workers, the call for freedom from women and youth, the demand for equal citizenship from the Alawite community—we know that all of these demands can be addressed together. One cannot come at the expense of another. We are a political party that is fully aware of this, and we have the experience and determination to carry this struggle forward. We are evaluating every development with the seriousness it deserves. Our party bodies are making decisions and declaring their positions. And for us, there is no alternative—we have no choice but to stand with democracy."