Zilar Stêrk, member of the General Presidential Council of the KCK, about the current discussions surrounding the physical freedom of the Kurdish people's leader, Abdullah Öcalan, and the related Kurdish question. Stêrk also talked about the ‘Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan, a Political Solution to the Kurdish Question’ international campaign.

The first part of this interview can be read here

As part of this resistance, there is a global campaign that was launched last year under the name ‘Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan, a Political Solution to the Kurdish Question’. What can you tell us about it? How do you rate the progress of the campaign?

The global freedom campaign was launched in Europe on October 10th of last year under the leadership of our international friends. The campaign since then has grown exponentially. Generally speaking, in the past twenty-six years, since the beginning of the conspiracy, the international friends of Rêber Apo [Abdullah Öcalan] and of the Kurdish people have multiplied. Gradually, these friends began to appear on all continents of the world. What is the reason for this? The main reason for this is that the thoughts of Rêber Apo are gradually reflecting on the world of humanity. Why wasn’t this happening before? Because nobody knew much about Kurds. No one knew much about Rêber Apo. All that was known about Rêber Apo and the Kurds was from the enemy's perspective. In other words, they knew Rêber Apo through the “Baby-Killer-Propaganda,” the terror propaganda. There was great anti-propaganda carried out. During all these years of this conspiracy, Rêber Apo put the vast world his mentality was into books. Rêber Apo turned his thoughts into written material. The prison writings he presented to the European Court of Human Rights and the analyses Rêber Apo had made while he was still outside were translated into different languages, languages spoken by different peoples, and spread.

The peoples began to get acquainted with these ideas, these revolutionary thoughts of Rêber Apo. They began to get acquainted with this comprehensive world of his and began to take an enormous interest in it. Why? Because Rêber Apo actually developed a brand new world out of these conditions of captivity. He developed a whole new world of thought. He developed a world of meaning. He developed a new world of democratic libertarian thought. As people became acquainted with this world, they began to realize that the old propaganda about Rêber Apo was not true at all. Therefore, they started to approach more sincerely. They started to see the truth. Based on this reality, they started to embrace Rêber Apo and his ideas. They started to cluster around him. If you meet a new world of thought, you position yourself within that new world of thought. You adopt an attitude. Today these international friends also want and demand the physical freedom of Rêber Apo. Why? Because the freedom of the Rêber Apo is also the freedom of these democratic libertarian thoughts. It is the liberation, release, and emancipation of the new world of thought from isolation. They put Rêber Apo under isolation and locked him up. They don’t allow a single word to come out of Imrali.

This global campaign, which has developed under the leadership of our international friends, is gradually getting more concrete in the form of daily actions and activities. These actions and activities are becoming more diverse and colorful; conferences are being held; there are theoretical intellectual discussions; Rêber Apo’s prison writings are being read collectively; reading days are organized; and discussions are being developed. Rêber Apo’s thoughts are both read and discussed. Inspiration is taken from this. As the spirit, inspiration, and morale are taken from him, people carry out different mass actions and activities. They organize marches, various demonstrations in front of different international organizations, vigils, and so much more. For example, there is the vigil that has been developing for more than ten years. The vigil for the freedom of Rêber Apo in Strasbourg. In this sense, there is a tremendous determination and level of assumption of responsibility.

The global campaign has left one year behind. During this one-year period, it has created great pressure on the conspiratorial forces, but also on the genocidal colonialist Turkish state and the fascist AKP MHP regime. It has put them in great anxiety. Because gradually Rêber Apo’s thoughts are becoming internationalized and socialized. It is gradually beginning to find a broad international social ground. This is a new wave of revolution. This is a very historical development. This new wave of revolution, which is developing under the leadership of Rêber Apo’s ideas, carries within itself a revolutionary energy equal to the French Revolution in history. It carries revolutionary energy equal to the revolutionary energy of the October Revolution. And this is spreading and growing.

Still, the Kurds are under great difficulties. What does overcoming these difficulties depend on? It depends on the increasing comprehensiveness of the struggle. This is also within the scope of the campaign led by our friends. It is the ‘Freedom for Abdullah Öcalan, a Political Solution to the Kurdish Question’ campaign. Our international friends also see that the solution to the Kurdish question and the freedom of Rêber Apo are intertwined.

In this one-year period, the struggle has led to a tremendous development in the mentioned aspects. The circles that support this campaign are very diverse. From women to men, from thinkers to intellectuals, from academics to politicians, from lawyers to ecologists, from anarchists to socialists, from feminists to women’s liberationists, from Nobel Prize winners to activists, from artists to writers – in other words, people from many different sections and layers of society are supporting this campaign. The groups and individuals that participate in the campaign are the guiding groups and individuals of society. They are the ones who lead the consciousness of society. Their support and participation are really valuable. In this sense, I salute both this global campaign initiated by our international friends and everyone who participates in and supports this movement and works for the freedom of the leader. I wish them success in their struggle. And I also believe that in the second year of the movement, they will continue it by deepening and expanding it with new ways and methods.

The recent demonstration in Amed, which could only take place under the most difficult conditions, also took place within this framework. What can you tell us about the message that the people sent through this rally?

In this context, of course, on October 13th there was the mentioned action of our people in northern Kurdistan, in Amed. I would like to salute that demonstration too. It was magnificent. They tried to ban the rally, but after the democratic political party gave a statement on this, it was clear that the rally could not be prevented. In the name of discussing their so-called solution to the Kurdish problem, they put forward some discussions under the name of a new solution process. They put forward some speculative news. On top of that, the Amed rally was on the agenda. Everyone said something was going on. It was as if there were some talks going on behind closed doors. But there is nothing like that. They probably thought that nobody would take part in the rally and that the streets would remain empty. So they kept quiet at first. But then they realized that the calls made by DBP started to be responded to every day through the press. They really worked, traveled, and visited house after house, street after street. A great social and mass support started to develop. People from Istanbul, Izmir, and the metropolises of Turkey will come to Amed in droves. All of Amed will stand up; all of Kurdistan will flow to Amed. They saw and understood this. What did the colonial governor do? He got up and said, “I am banning the rally.” He panicked. Because everyone had turned towards Amed.

Despite the ban they imposed, our people from all over northern Kurdistan turned towards Amed in droves. Maybe the rally they wanted to hold was not in Station Square, but they broke the enemy barrier, the police barrier. The people flowed like a river, united, and reached its goal. They managed to make their voices heard.

What creates this level of determination and assertiveness in the people? It is precisely the stance against the international conspiracy. It is demanding the freedom of Rêber Apo. Our people no longer tolerate the captivity of Rêber Apo. Our people can no longer tolerate living with this captivity. The gates of Imrali must be opened now, and Rêber Apo must be among our people. Our people gave this message from the Amed rally square. It has demonstrated its will and determination. Everyone, friend and foe, needs to hear and see this. Most fundamentally, the genocidal, colonialist, fascist AKP MHP regime of the Turkish state needs to read this message from Amed.

In this context, how should the latest statements by Devlet Behceli, one of the crucial representatives of the conspiracy, who is now trying to pretend that he is trying to resolve the situation, be understood?

The fascist Devlet Bahceli called on Imrali in his speech from the rostrum of the parliament. They have closed the door to Imrali. They do not allow a single word to come out of Imrali. How can he make a call to Imrali without there being any meeting with Imrali? He called on Imrali to take action. He told Rêber Apo to liquidate his organization. Bahceli, don’t your people ask you what’s going on with the Kurds you declared dead? What’s going on with the movement you said was dead? The Kurds gave their message very clearly in Amed. “The Youth are the Fedayis of Rêber Apo” and “No Life Without Rêber Apo” were the slogans that were heard in Amed. You need to take the real message from here. If you are going to make a sincere call to Imrali, then first you need to open the door to Imrali. You need to set up a meeting and a dialog in Imrali.

There is some speculative news being spread in this context. They are having a lot of discussions. We don’t mind them discussing. There is nothing wrong with this. The solution to the Kurdish question is in the process of insolvency because it is not being discussed. It should be discussed. But these discussions should not overshadow the truth. They should not obscure the reality. What is the reality? The reality is that an absolute isolation system, a system of genocide, is currently being carried out in Imrali. What is the reality? At the moment, a fierce war and resistance are being waged in the Medya Defense Areas. Blood is flowing on both sides. This blood must first be stopped. If you are going to make a call, first stop the bloodshed. Do not ban the rallies that the people want to hold.

The Kurdish people and their friends should listen to what our movement has to say. It would be best for them to follow the process, to look where the truths that are wanted to be hidden and concealed in discussions that are wanted to be veiled are reflected. And I believe that our people and friends are in this consciousness and awareness.

Finally, I would like to ask you about the role and responsibility of women’s  freedom struggle in this context.

Rêber Apo’s approach to women has always been on an emancipatory basis. From the first day he started the struggle, he opened the ground for women to express themselves within the grounds of struggle and to carry out their own struggle for equality and freedom. He opened a tremendous space of freedom for Kurdish women. In this sense, we can say that this is the most fundamental aspect that distinguishes Rêber Apo from all other leaders, from other socialist leaders. In fact, this is the main aspect that distinguishes Rêber Apo’s theory of democratic socialism from real socialist theory and from Marx’s socialism. Because he deciphered and decoded the codes of the five thousand years of male-dominated capitalist civilization. He revealed that it was a system built on the slavery of women. Therefore, he tried to develop the Kurdish freedom struggle he started on this basis.

Another ideological determination that corresponds to the determination that Kurdistan is a colony is the determination that society cannot be liberated without the liberation of women. If society cannot be liberated without the liberation of women, then if you are a leader of a struggle, then you start from here. Therefore, Rêber Apo placed women’s liberation at the center of the Kurdish freedom movement. He tried to enlighten, develop, educate, analyze, and perspective our society and people on this basis. He made every effort to educate, analyze, develop, and make us women truly strong-willed. He organized education circuits for years and started an enormous enlightenment process in Kurdistan that centered around women’s freedom. In this sense, as the Kurdish women’s freedom movement continues its development process, I would like to state that we owe this development and our honorable and strong-willed stance today to Rêber Apo.

The freedom of Rêber Apo is the freedom of us women. Just as the freedom of Rêber Apo is the freedom of Kurds, the freedom of Rêber Apo is the freedom of women. And the bond between women and Rêber Apo is both an emotional bond, a bond full of feelings, a bond of love. But it is also a bond woven with consciousness and enlightened by consciousness. It is ideological, philosophical, historical, psychological, and sociological. Therefore, it is a very deep bond. In the person of the Kurdish woman, he has actually opened a brand-new area of freedom for the women of the region and the world and opened the door to freedom. In the last two centuries, there is a tremendous history of women’s struggle in the world, both in the west and the east. The women’s struggle for freedom initiated by Rêber Apo has also given momentum to this. It has given it spirit. In fact, he made many ideological determinations that would contribute to it.

The ideology of women’s liberation Rêber Apo developed is a cornerstone of our women’s liberation struggle. The ‘theory of rupture’ he developed is a very serious turning point. The ‘theory of rupture’ is a great liberating breakthrough for the female personality to achieve freedom, to create, organize, and will its own world of freedom. At the same time, Rêber Apo put the project of transforming men in front of us women. It put forward the theory of ‘killing men’ in Kurdistan in order to question, analyze, and overcome the dominant stance of men, and the level of development that emerged from this led to a revolutionary development that one could call a tremendous mental revolution. This led to a serious revolution within Kurdish society. This revolutionary process is still developing.

Of course, we have carried out these developments concretely under the leadership of our martyrs, our pioneers and leaders who were martyred. For example, within the month of October, one has to mention comrade Beritan. Our women’s army, which developed under the leadership of comrade Beritan, has developed and left behind thirty years. For more than thirty years, women’s freedom guerrillas in the mountains of Kurdistan have practiced an organized struggle and an organized will with the perspective of army formation.

Why armed resistance? Would we have reached today if we hadn’t taken upon arms? This would not have been possible. If we have reached today, if we have a women’s freedom party in Kurdistan, if we have entered the stage of knitting the social confederal system of women such as the KJK, all of this is thanks to the women’s armed struggle that developed under the leadership of comrade Beritan thirty years ago. And today, this women’s mobilization has evolved to a higher stage. Kurdish women today are not only living an armed struggle in the mountains. In the cities, for example, Kurdish women are also struggling to develop their own self-defense forces.

They are going through such a process. For example, in Rojava, a tremendous level of development and organization has emerged under the leadership of Kurdish women as the YPJ. We say that the Rojava revolution is a women’s revolution. It developed under the leadership of YPJ. The YPJ also took its inspiration from Rêber Apo as well as the women’s army that developed under the leadership of comrade Beritan and developed in the Medya Defense Zones. The YPJ sees that as its legacy. Again, there is the YJŞ organization developed by Êzidî women in Shengal. They all take their inspiration from the pioneers like comrade Beritan, comrade Meryem, comrade Zeynep, comrade Delal, and Arin Mirkan. Again in eastern Kurdistan, Kurdish women are trying to develop their organization as HPJ.

This is an ongoing process. Because the women’s revolution will take many years. It is a revolutionary development that may take fifty years, maybe a hundred years. Rêber Apo made the determination that the twenty-first century will be the century of women. He made this determination based on his own labor and efforts because he knew that the twenty-first century would evolve into the century of women, knowing the developments and achievements he had created around women’s freedom before entering the twenty-first century.

Today, this women’s liberation struggle, which is being carried out under the leadership of YJA Star guerrillas in the four parts of Kurdistan and in the Medya Defense Areas, is growing day by day, growing deeper and exponentially. The women’s revolution may go beyond the twenty-first century. It would not be very accurate to set a limit to this. Because there is no time when it will end. It is endless. Women’s liberation is such a process. Because it is an ideological process. It is an ideological revolution. It is a philosophical revolution. This enlightenment started in Kurdistan under the leadership of pioneers like comrade Beritan, under the leadership of the women’s liberation armies started by comrade Beritan. It is an inspiration to the whole world. And this will spread over many years.

And of course, part of this is armed struggle. Part of it is an ideological struggle. Part of it is a theoretical and philosophical struggle. And part of it is a social struggle. The women’s revolution is also a social revolution. Women’s freedom is also linked to freedom of society. Women will be liberated so that society will be liberated. In this sense, of course, this developing women’s liberation struggle also frightens its enemies. It frightens the enemy of the Kurds. It frightens the enemies of women. And it also causes misogynist politics to make itself more visible.

Our women’s liberation struggle has also put the genocidal colonialist Turkish regime, especially in northern Kurdistan and Turkey, into a process of great narrowness and difficulty due to the fear it created against it. A new politics of feminicide is being produced by the special war centers developed by them. Currently, feminicidal policies are being put forward. A very serious special war policy is in effect for this. Particularly in Kurdistan, but it is not limited to Kurdistan. In the metropolises of Turkey as well, the policies of feminicide have been put into effect to the fullest. In Kurdistan, women and young girls are massacred on a daily basis. Incidents of harassment and rape in the streets are observed every day.

There is a great deprivation of morality, a great deprivation of values. Society in Turkey and Kurdistan is being dragged into a great degeneration and moral collapse. These should not be called examples that arise unconsciously and spontaneously in the natural flow of life in society. It should not be evaluated in this way. If this is evaluated in this way, it would be a mistake. This is a systematic strategy carried out by certain centers established by the AKP MHP special war regime. And these are the policies and actions developed against our struggle in order to sabotage it, which is marching with the claim of realizing the growing women’s liberation revolution in Kurdistan and Turkey and in the region.

There is a great attack on women. The people, the society, both the people of Kurdistan and the society of Turkey need to unite against this, to rise up, to burn these places down. Because neither social morality nor women’s liberationist morality, nor feminist movements, nor women’s liberation struggle, nor general social liberation struggles accept this. This is not a situation to stand by and watch. A two-year-old baby is being raped. In order to nullify this concept of attack against women, directed by the special war centers, all women in Kurdistan and Turkey must join hands, put their heads together, and develop joint organized struggles against this.

Women who support the government and vote for the fascist AKP MHP are also victims of this. They are also women. I say that women from AKP, women from CHP, women from other large and small parties should join hands and organize a level of struggle full of common synergy together to frustrate this immoral concept of attack on women and to organize a common synergetic struggle against it.