In an article titled Obstacles to Kurdish Autonomy Sirwan Kajjo (a Syrian analyst at Caerus Associates) argues that "Syrian Kurds proved successful in fighting an external enemy this past July when Kurdish fighters successfully pushed out al-Qaeda-affiliated Islamic extremists from the small border crossing town of Ras al-Ayn". But, he stresses, "resolving intra-Kurdish disagreements and conflicts may prove a far more difficult task. However, a resolution to these disagreements - he says - is vital for Kurds, because although the outcome of Syria’s conflict is unclear, one thing is certain: Syrian Kurds have an unprecedented opportunity to establish political autonomy". 

Writing about the PYD, Kajjo underlines that "it controls the most well-organized and well-trained Kurdish guerilla group in Syria, formally known as People’s Protection Units and referred to by its Kurdish acronym, YPG. The PYD has seized control of major Syrian Kurdish towns and key strategic resources. When Syrian military and security forces voluntarily withdrew from most Kurdish areas in July 2012, well-trained fighters affiliated with the PYD—many of whom were former PKK fighters—took over and became de facto rulers. Today, the PYD and its affiliated YPG retain their own power base outside of the Kurdish National Council structure". 

In its analysis Kajjo underlines that "The major political cleavage among Syrian Kurdish parties is the issue of autonomy. Though all sides affirm that integration within a centralized Syrian government is unworkable for Syria’s Kurds, the parties have been neither explicit nor unified in regard to defining their political demands. Their general argument is that decentralization and autonomy for the Kurds boosts Syria’s national unity and establishes a tangible concept of real citizenship. But Syrian Kurds need to provide a simplified explanation of decentralization as an organizing mechanism, one that strengthens the role of local authority, gives more powers to the local population to run their affairs in accordance with their religious and ethnic specificities, and distributes wealth fairly. This would leave foreign policy and defense affairs to a limited central government in Damascus. Though they share the same aspiration, they appear to disagree on the details: the PYD envisions a more independent model and the KNC argues for a system that looks similar to the KRG in Iraq".