DBP Co-chair: Turkey's annihilation policy continues
DBP leader Keskin Bayındır describes the attacks on Southern and Western Kurdistan as well as the law enforcement reform in Turkey as a product of the annihilation policy of the AKP regime.
DBP leader Keskin Bayındır describes the attacks on Southern and Western Kurdistan as well as the law enforcement reform in Turkey as a product of the annihilation policy of the AKP regime.
Keskin Bayındır, co-chair of the Party of Democratic Regions (DBP), spoke to ANF about the current political developments in the Middle East in the context of the Kurdish question.
Your party set up crisis coordination centres immediately after the first cases of Covid-19 became known. Could you tell us something about their work?
When the first cases in Turkey became known on March 10-11, we set up a crisis coordination center together with the other political parties in Kurdistan, civil society organizations and the Democratic Society Congress (DTK). This was necessary because the AKP/MHP government does not inform the society truthfully. We made sure that the people were informed about the necessary protective measures. We wanted to make sure that people who are cut off from economic life due to the quarantine are provided with disinfection and food. We will continue to do so. The twin family campaign launched by our umbrella party HDP has been very well received. We are also working with municipalities and women's organisations to combat the increase in patriarchal violence during the quarantine. The civil society organisations in our crisis team monitor the number of cases in Kurdistan and make these known to society.
Although two million people live in Amed, only 500 people are tested daily. This shows that the government's pandemic policy is also directed against the Kurdish population. It is necessary to defend our people and society against this policy and increase the resistance.
Against the background of the pandemic, the AKP/MHP regime has passed an enforcement law which allows the release of about 90,000 prisoners, while political prisoners are excluded. What will the consequences be?
People who committed rape, violence against women, robbery and theft are released, but political prisoners remain in custody. This policy of the AKP and MHP means that they have lost their last political legitimacy, both in our eyes and in society. The fight against this law will continue. It is something that the conscience of a society cannot accept. It does not meet the society's expectations and will inevitably lead to an even more problematic and critical process. This will not benefit society or the AKP/MHP government.
The isolation of the Kurdish leader Abdullah Öcalan continues despite the pandemic. What are your demands and expectations in this context?
That the isolation continues at such a time is a matter of great concern to us. We share this concern with the peoples of Kurdistan and the Middle East. We believe that this should also be the concern of the left socialist and democratic opposition in Turkey. Mr Öcalan's political position is important for all our futures. That is why we appeal in particular to these segments of society.
How do you assess the current political developments in Southern Kurdistan?
The AKP/MHP regime has pursued a systematic concept of attack against the Kurds for ten years. The ideological basis for these attacks was laid by reports prepared at Erciyes University in Kayseri and Selçuk University in Konya. In these reports, it is precisely stated how the Kurds in all four parts of Kurdistan are to be put under political, physical and cultural pressure and how their achievements are to be destroyed. These reports are now being implemented in the field. In these analyses and proposals for action, it is also a question of what strategy the Turkish state will pursue in relation to the achievements in Southern Kurdistan.
The strategy of the Turkish state pursues the aim to suffocate and destroy the Kurdish achievements in the South (of Kurdistan). This reality lies behind the increasing deployment of military, secret service and political forces in the region. I believe that the political forces in Southern Kurdistan are far from recognising this situation. It is difficult to explain how the Turkish state's military attacks on Maxmur could be seen independently of this strategy. The current political style of the political forces in Southern Kurdistan is not one that can keep the Kurds together, carry them through the coming difficult process and protect their achievements. This practice must be reviewed immediately. The Kurds need a political style that is based on their interests. A first step in this direction could be to lift the embargo against Maxmur.
The defence forces of Rojava have stopped their operations because of the pandemic, but Turkish attacks continue. What is the reason for this violation of the UN appeal?
With the outbreak of the pandemic, the United Nations called for a global ceasefire. While fighting ceased all over the world, Turkey did not heed the call at all and continued its policy of denial and annihilation. As you have seen in the media, the SDF [Syrian Democratic Forces] have stopped their military operations. The AKP/MHP regime saw this as an opportunity and destroyed the water supply. The reason for these attacks is that Turkey's strategy together with the Muslim Brotherhood in Idlib has failed. They are now trying to make up for this defeat by destroying the achievements of the Kurds in Rojava. The Turkish regime is trying to reunite the allies that it has lost. It is attacking the Kurds and trying to bring together and lead the anti-Kurdish forces in the region. Of course it cannot succeed in this. They can put pressure on some areas through military attacks, dirty warfare and temporary occupations, but if they think that these will be left to them in the long run, they are wrong. The social, economic, cultural, political and religious wealth of Rojava will never allow this to happen.