In an interesting article published today on BIANET Agency commentator Kumru Baser reports about his doubts about the multiparty structure of the Labor, Democracy and Democracy Block. Baser asked Block newly elected Diyarbakýr MP Altan Tan to clarify how the Block could function after the elections.
"Altan Tan - writes Baser - considers Prime Minister Erdogan's speech as very round and usual and he doesn't feel hopeful about the AKP's approach to the Kurdish problem. He, however, believes that the strong representation of the Block will be challenging in the parliament and at streets. And he is hopeless about receiving any support from the CHP (Republican People's Party)".
Baser then asked Altan how he decided to be included in the Block. Altan answered: "This is not the first time I take part in a political party. Between the years 2000-2002, I was a member of the People's Democracy Party (HADEP). Within this election, when the Prime Minister pronounced that democratic autonomy and mother-tongue education would divide the country, I found the Block's discourse more appealing."
Baser went further asking if "this is a permanent alliance?, Altan answers as follows; "This is an alliance of law principles and its permanence will depend on how much it will stick to these principles. Altan Tan is an islamist, Ertugrul Kürkcü is a marxist. This is an alliance of protecting everyone's law. It will continue as long as this line is stood by. The Block even voices the hope for a roof party".
Discussing about religion, writes Baser "Tan defends that the Islamic law will not be an obstacle before democracy within a system of multi-laws where people can adopt the laws they demand. According to Tan's view of the world, Turkey doesn't have a western-type working class or or a dynamic bourgeoisie to be the dynamo of a change".
Baser continued his articles by stating that Tan hold the view that "Alevis support the status quo. Kurds and Islamists are the only circles with a transformation dynamic potential. Islamists have been desensitized and therefore the AKP has lost its transformation power. So, all the burden is to be shouldered by Kurds."
When Baser asked Tan why he gave up his hope as far as the AKP is concerned, he answers; "The AKP met Islamists with the power. The Islamist circle, which should be the most opponent side, began to take a share from the economical system and gave up its opposition. Their assertions to create an islamist world smoothed to a large extend.
According to Tan, this is a kind of Islamism the West wants. "This was a project big, and they substantially succeeded. The transformation of Islamism into opposition seems unlikely within a long future time." says Tan".
Tan, argues Baser, "thinks that there isn't a big class problem among Kurds. "Sure, there are the rich and the poor but it is yet difficult to speak of a circle that can be named as the Kurdish bourgeoisie." says Tan and classifies businessmen as "government contractors, dealers, smugglers and money-launders".
Remarking that the Democratic Autonomy project weaken fears of separation in the west of the country, Tan describes his vision as follows; "We want to govern ourselves but we do not want an Albania or North Korea. We want an integration with Turkey, the region and the world. Tan is of the opinion that the world, in a 50-60-year term, will lean to political units in the form of city-states like Athens".
Translation: Berna Ozgencil