Two years ago today 44 journalists were arrested. Many are still in prison as on the dock is freedom of press.

At 5am on 20 December 2011, the Anti-Terror Unit of the Istanbul Police Force arrested 44 Kurdish and independent journalists as part of a coordinated city-wide operation. Police raided the offices and houses of journalists from DIHA News Agency, Firat News Agency, daily Özgür Gündem, Azadiya Welat, Etkin News Agency. They seized computers, files, hard disk, papers, books in what was certainly one of the widest operation against media in Turkey.

Speaking at a press conference later that day, security forces described the 44 journalists as the KCK (Kurdish Communities Union) ‘propaganda’ or ‘press’ wing. Thirty-six of these journalists were placed under pre-trial detention after questioning on 24 December 2011, while eight were released pending trial. Two other journalists were arrested and released pending trial in subsequent weeks as part of the same investigation, bringing the total number being tried up to 46.

The arrests were the latest wave in a nationwide crackdown against Kurdish and pro-Kurdish civilians: in 2011 alone a series of operations targeted academics, writers and intellectuals, as well as unionists, lawyers, human rights activists, students.

These operations were dubbed the KCK investigation, and had been underway since 2009. Indeed the crackdown begun shortly after the local elections in March 2009 which had seen an important advance by Kurdish candidates with the BDP (Peace and Democracy Party) gaining many local governments. Something which greatly annoyed the ruling AK Party. Incapable of accepting defeat the government stepped up a smear campaign against the BDP and more general against Kurds, their institutions, associations, press.

It was in this context (and with thousands already in prison) that the 20 December 2011 operation against the independent media took place. The first hearing of the KCK ‘press wing’ (as the trial was named in the indictment) commenced nine months later, in September 2012. During the hearing, the journalists asked to defend themselves in Kurdish, a request that was rejected by the court. Shortly afterwards, detained KCK suspects, including those charged with belonging to the KCK ‘press wing’, announced a hunger strike; amongst their stated demands were the right to defend themselves in their mother-tongue (Kurdish), mother-tongue education, and improved conditions for imprisoned Kurdish people's leader Abdullah Öcalan. Over 700 people participated in the 68-day hunger strike, which ended on 18 November 2012, and is seen to have been instrumental in the passing of a new law which allows Kurdish defendants to speak their mother tongue in court, although with many limitations and problems.

For example, interpreters are not provided but should be paid by the defendants themselves. [Article 14.3(f) of the ICCPR provides for the right for defendants “[to have the free assistance of an interpreter if he cannot understand or speak the language used in court”]. In many cases Kurdish is still not allowed.

According to the Turkish authorities, the KCK is alleged to be an umbrella political organization that includes the Kurdistan Workers' Party (PKK), outlawed in Turkey.

The operation against media workers on 20 December 2011 was launched by the Special Authorized Court Office and was grounded on Anti-terror Law.

The KCK operations are the specifically designed operation which has been targeting Kurds in whatever way they organise (being it democratically elected institution, civil society, cultural organisations, unions etc) within the society. The charges are so vague that indeed anyone with an interest (however slight) in Kurdish issues could be accused of being part of this KCK structure.

The media, specifically the Kurdish, left wing and independent media, could not go untouched by this wave of frenzy repression of anything that has to do with Kurds. And indeed they were attacked in the most vicious way. Scores of journalists have been (and are being) detained and harassed and many of them today are still in prison.

When the trial opened it was even clearer that the journalists were put in prison for what they wrote. News on environment, labor, politics, women, life, culture, art and daily political developments were defined as criminal evidences in the indictment which was prepared by Public Prosecutor Bilal Bayraktar and accepted by Istanbul 15th High Criminal Court.

So the trial is indeed against men and women working in papers and agencies but it is also a trial against freedom of press.

The journalists’ interviews, reports and phone conversations are put forward as criminal evidences of membership and leadership of an illegal organization.

As the journalists in prison wrote to colleagues outside "defending the freedom of press is not only our responsibility but the duty of journalism organizations as well". In their call to colleagues outside and abroad the imprisoned journalists outline that this trial is a test as to "all of us, both in Turkey and at an international level, are ready to defend journalism principles and ethic as well the principles of free press. But it is also an appeal to stop alternative sources of information of society being attacked".