Ban on visits to Imralı based on Öcalan's "roadmap"

The Turkish authorities use the "roadmap for negotiations" submitted to the European Court of Human Rights in 2009 as the justification for the ban on visits by Abdullah Öcalan's team of lawyers.

It came out on Friday that a six month visit prohibition for the prison island Imrali was given to the lawyer team of Abdullah Öcalan, Ömer Hayri Konar, Veysi Aktaş and Hamili Yıldırım.

The order was issued on September 23 by the 2nd Office of Execution in Bursa at the request of the Chief Public Prosecutor’s Office. The ban is based on the disciplinary sanctions imposed on the prisoners in the years 2005 to 2009 and the Prison Disciplinary Board decision on the 156-page "Roadmap for Negotiations" written by Abdullah Öcalan in 2009, which was submitted to the European Court of Human Rights (ECtHR) as a pleading.

similar decisions have been taken repeatedly in order to prevent client meetings of the defense team of Asrin Law Office. The latest resolution is the fifth visit ban issued since July 2016.

Between July 2011 and May 2019, no client meetings with Öcalan took place at all. The isolation could only be broken last year through the hunger strike initiated by Leyla Güven.

The Imrali Delegation, which was able to hold talks with Öcalan within the framework of peace negotiations, has not been allowed to visit the prison island since April 2015. Since the last visit of the team of lawyers on August 7, 2019, the Turkish authorities have not responded to any of the continuous requests for visits.

"The roadmap for negotiations"

The roadmap presented by Abdullah Öcalan in 2009 is an exceptional document. It formed the core of the dialogue process between Abdullah Öcalan and the Turkish state, which began in 2009 and was broken off in mid-2011. It is also of central importance for all further talks.

In the short description of the international initiative "Freedom for Öcalan - Peace in Kurdistan", the book reads:

"Öcalan defines here the steps necessary for the beginning of a real peace process. At the same time he outlines a real solution to the Kurdish question. Beyond traditional solution models such as statehood or territorial autonomy, he draws the vision of a democratic nation and a common homeland for all states where Kurds live - yes, for the entire Middle East. By invalidating conventional arguments, he creates food for thought for all parties to the conflict.

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