Bayik: With the Jin Jiyan Azadi uprisings, a new process of struggle began in Iran

Bayik said that with "the Jin Jiyan Azadi uprisings, a new process in the struggle began in Iran."

In the seventh part of this in-depth interview with ANF, Cemil Bayik, co-chair of the KCK Executive Council, pointed out that "With the Jin, Jiyan, Azadi uprisings, a new process in the struggle has begun, and the leadership of women has further developed."

The first part of this interview can be read here, the second here, the third here, the fourth here, the fifth here, and the sixth here.

Throughout the year, the war between Israel and the Iranian-influenced forces called the Shiite Crescent, or the Axis of Resistance, continued. The forces attached to Iran were significantly weakened. At the same time, there is also serious social opposition against Iran’s policies inside the country. Rojhilat, in particular, has seen significant resistance since the Jina Amini uprisings. Then again, there is also resistance in Iranian prisons, especially by female political prisoners. How do you evaluate this resistance? How do the regional developments affect Rojhilat? What kind of developments can be expected in Iran and Rojhilat in the coming period?

The desire for freedom and democratic life is very high in Iran. Both Iranian society and the people of Rojhilat have constantly been on their feet. With the Jin, Jiyan, Azadi uprisings, a new process in the struggle has begun, and the leadership of women has further developed. The Iranian peoples have a century of experience with their struggle. A common struggle was waged against the Shah’s regime, and the Shah’s regime was overthrown. The fall of the Shah’s regime, which was completely under the control of capitalist modernity, was a great victory of society against capitalist modernity. 1979 was an important historical turning point. However, the developments that followed were counter-revolutionary. Under the name of Islamic rule, the line of the revolution was deviated from, and society’s quest for a democratic life was hindered. Thus, the problems in Iran could not be solved and continued to worsen. Today, Iran faces aggravated social problems.

The balance of power that Iran had developed outside through the forces loyal to it was not based on a solid foundation. It had increased its influence in the region not through its own efforts but by taking advantage of the Middle East plan that capitalist modernity had left unfinished or failed to bring to fruition. After the collapse of the Soviet Union, the US-led redesign of the Middle East entered the agenda, and the US intervention in Iraq developed in this context. However, this intervention did not extend to the whole region and was left unfinished. A system that would cover the whole region could not be developed. This situation created gaps in the Middle East, especially in Iraq. Iran took advantage of this vacuum and increased its influence in the Middle East through its affiliated forces. The Turkish state has adopted a similar approach. However, our struggle prevented the Turkish state from establishing too much influence in the region. Iran has approached this situation in a misguided manner and has seen the development it has achieved in the region as its own ingenuity. It thought that its activity in Iraq and Syria was only due to its own ingenuity. Because of this misguided approach, it ignored the developments achieved by our movement in the Middle East. Now it has become clear that the situation is not as Iran thought. When a plan involving the entire region was put into action on the basis of the redesign of the Middle East, the axis that Iran had formed and believed to be strong was hit and disintegrated in a very short time.

Iran, along with Turkey, is the most endangered power. On the one hand, it is facing severe social problems and is experiencing difficulties, and on the other hand, it is the primary target of the US, UK and Israeli plans. Iran’s external power has been significantly broken. After the fall of the Baathist regime in Syria, it seems that the focus will shift to Iraq. This means that war will come to Iran’s doorstep. Iran’s difficult internal situation makes it possible to manipulate it. However, because of its geopolitical position, the disintegration of Iran has not been on the agenda so far. This is because there was a concern that if it were to disintegrate, control over it would be lost. Because of this concern, both the Shah’s regime was supported and protected and the integrity of Iran was not touched, despite the contradictory and problematic situation after the fall of the Shah. But now a regional design plan is being developed. Accordingly, the approach to Iran will also change. Change is inevitable in Iran.

The severe social problems, on the one hand, and the system’s plans for the Middle East and Iran, on the other ,make it impossible for things to continue as they are in Iran. We often point this out, but let me say it again: there is a need for democratization steps in the Middle East. Iran is one of the places where this need is the greatest. Iran should take democratic steps to solve problems, especially the Kurdish problem. We do not want interventions either in Iran or elsewhere. We see it right to solve the problems through internal dynamics and democratization, and as a movement we struggle for this. This vision of ours is valid for Iran, Turkey and elsewhere. The best solution is for Iran to take steps on this basis. Otherwise, the current course is extremely wrong and dangerous. In this course, we strongly condemn the death sentences. Problems cannot be solved and nothing can be achieved through repression, suppression and executions. Iran must renounce the death sentences and stop the executions.

Since 2015, the Turkish state has been implementing a war strategy based on the support of international forces as well as regional forces such as Iraq, which is essentially made possible by the betrayal of the KDP. How has this developed in practice over the last nine years? What were its original goals, and what has become of them?

We have been at war with the genocidal colonialist Turkish state for forty years. The results of this lay open in front of the eyes of everyone. The genocidal colonialist enemy has been weakened, pushed back, and crushed, while the Kurdish freedom revolution has grown and reached a new level. With its paradigm, our movement is leading the revolution in the Middle East and is influencing the world. In 2024, this positive trend continued to increase. The historical resistance of the Kurdish freedom guerrillas on the one hand, and the increasing influence of our struggle in Kurdistan, the Middle East, and the world within the scope of the global freedom campaign for the physical freedom of Rêber Apo [Abdullah Öcalan] and the democratic solution of the Kurdish question on the other hand revealed how the year 2024 has passed and come to an end.

Essentially, it must be pointed out that if it were not for the support of the KDP, the Turkish state would not have attempted such an invasion. The invading Turkish army would not have been able to step into the areas where it is now trying to hold on with its advanced technology. Again, in the places where it comes and tries to establish itself, it can only stay based on the support of the KDP. Without the KDP’s support for the Turkish army and the obstacles it creates for the guerrillas, the Turkish army cannot hold on to the places it is in.

The fascist AKP-MHP government, with an intensity and violence exceeding the past, put into effect its war strategy and concept, which was previously prepared within the scope of the so-called ‘collapse plan’ on July 24, 2024, and aimed at Kurdish genocide on the basis of the liquidation of our movement. In addition to all the technical and military power of the state, it has mobilized its political, economic, diplomatic, and geopolitical means on the basis of this concept. It is receiving the support of many powers and states, especially from NATO members. Again, it has pushed collaboration and treason. It has reorganized the existing political, military, and economic order in Turkey to achieve its goal.

The parliamentary order was replaced by the order of a fascist dictatorship. With all these preparations and support, our movement and our people have been attacked on the basis of the liquidation and genocide concept for more than nine years. In addition to so many fascist attacks, an intense special war has also been waged. On the one hand, the society has been tried to be pinched and intimidated under the fascist aggression, and it has tried to play with the society with all kinds of dirty, immoral methods and to cause decay by abusing the media that is fully under its control. On the other hand, in order to conceal the unjust, dirty, immoral war it waged against the Kurdish people and to prevent the development of a reaction in society, it waged an intensive special war on the society in Turkey and tried to control society by constantly developing nationalism, racism, and Kurdish hostility through perception. It aimed to enter the second century of the republic by having completed the Kurdish genocide. However, the AKP-MHP government did not achieve its goal and could not realize its plan.

In the fall of 2023, the guerrillas took the initiative and began to deal heavy blows to the Turkish army, and this continued to increase throughout 2024. This initiative moved from the mountains to the city and reached its peak with the action against the TAI in Ankara. The initiative taken by the guerrillas in the war was taken by the people and democratic forces on the political dimension when the election took place on March 31. The fascist bloc of the AKP-MHP was defeated in these municipal elections. This was the second major blow to the enemy after the guerrilla’s breakthrough. Thus, the year 2024 has been a year in which the fascist mentality and power have been struck and weakened. As a result, while the fascist power entered the second century of the republic with defeats and disappointments, the Kurdish question imposed its solution with greater urgency. The fascist government suffered such a defeat that it had to admit that it had no solution through the mouth of Devlet Bahceli and turned to Rêber Apo to develop a solution.

In the current situation, the Turkish state has turned into a ship that has lost its course. It is unable to move forward on the path it has set its sights on, but it has not given up its genocidal mentality and politics and drifts off; where it is still unclear. It has its eyes on developments abroad and is trying to see what it can do to turn them in its favor and use them for the genocide of Kurds. This is what it did in Iraq. When the Turkish government realized that there were disagreements in Iraqi circles and that this created some gaps, it immediately influenced the Sudani government with promises and developed the known agreement. When the new situation in Syria emerged, it adopted a similar approach there. It is trying to turn the emerging situation into an opportunity to develop the Kurdish genocide plan and, on this basis, to liquidate the revolution by invading Rojava. In this way, it tries to use every opportunity that arises for its fascist purposes.